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| <nettime> Brooklyn Rail review of Prins, _Other People's Money_ |
< http://www.brooklynrail.org/books/jan05/offtheshelves.html >
Off the Shelves
by Bookstaff
January 2005
Screwing the Little Guy
by Stanley Morgan
Nomi Prins, Other People's Money: The Corporate Mugging of America
(The New Press, 2004)
After all the press coverage of the Enron scandal of 2001, how many
people know the details of what actually happened? The facts of the
case, complicated as they are, are important for several reasons:
First of all, the sophistication and broader economic impact of the
company's misdeeds make this far more than a simple case of corporate
greed gone wild. Equally important, Enron's story is but one chapter
in the larger tale of how overzealous deregulation and cronyism fueled
a huge wave of bankruptcies in the nineties and replaced a reasonably
effective regulatory system with one that's built for abuse.
Former Wall Street banker Nomi Prins is well positioned to describe
how all this happened. Having worked at the top echelons of several
Wall Street firms in the lead-up to the crash, she witnessed much of
the chicanery up close. Other People's Money: The Corporate Mugging of
America describes in head-spinning (but compulsively readable) detail
how Enron and other companies gamed the system, using labyrinthine
networks of shell companies, astute political maneuvering, and
outright fraud to make their officers incredibly rich, leaving
everyone else to foot the bill.
The main culprit in Prins's eyes was the repeal of the New Deal-era
Glass-Steagall Act. Glass-Steagall prohibited traditional banks from
underwriting stocks and bonds (the domain of investment banks),
thereby preventing them from hawking the securities of companies that
they also lent money to. The dismantling of Glass-Steagall--Wall
Street's wet dream--created a group of superbanks that could virtually
blackmail companies into issuing more and more bonds (which brought in
whopping underwriting fees) in exchange for getting the loans they
craved to fund acquisitions. This led to the issuance of mountains of
debt and fueled expansion for its own sake. Since the interest rate a
company has to pay to its bondholders is based on the company's
financial condition, this situation created an incentive for these
companies to use sleight of hand to artificially prettify their books.
The result: an epidemic of accounting fraud the likes of which the
world has never seen.
Enron was no means the only company playing these games. The story of
(former) telecommunications giants WorldCom and Global Crossing
follows the same path: massive debt issuance, massive accounting
fraud, massive gains for insiders, massive bankruptcy, and massive
losses for the many suckers on the outside--including employees who'd
been strong-armed into buying large quantities of company stock for
their retirement accounts.
Another thing all these onetime highfliers had in common was access.
None of these spectacular blowups could have happened without help
from the "regulators" and lawmakers who are supposed to be preventing
this kind of thing. For example, Robert Rubin moved from Goldman Sachs
to the White House (as President Clinton's treasury secretary) and
then back to Wall Street, where he lobbied successfully for the repeal
of Glass-Steagall on behalf of Citigroup and made a fortune doing it.
Wendy Gramm, former head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission
and wife of Texas senator Phil Gramm (the second-largest recipient of
Enron campaign contributions), granted Enron an exemption from
government disclosure rules at the company's request; shortly
afterward, she resigned from the CFTC and joined Enron's board of
directors.
In addition to the repeal of Glass-Steagall, deregulation of the
energy and telecommunications industries themselves ran wild in the
late nineties. One result of energy deregulation was the California
energy crisis of 2000-2001, which saw consumers overcharged tens of
billions of dollars for electricity as market manipulation ran amok.
The 1996 deregulation of the telecommunications industry led to a
frenzy of mergers and takeovers that cost millions of jobs; to
maintain the illusion of profitability, these newly created telecom
giants also booked billions of dollars in fraudulent transactions to
artificially pump up revenues.
Predictably, the cost of these scams to their perpetrators has been
minimal. According to Prins, Bernie Ebbers, the head of WorldCom ("the
biggest fraud in world history at $11 billion and counting") walked
away from the company's smoldering hulk with a severance package of
$1.5 million a year for life. Gary Winnick left Global Crossing with a
net worth of over $735 million. Other big players have been similarly
"punished." Is there no justice?
Well, no. But Prins has obviously put a lot of thought into the
question of what can be done about it. She offers a whole chapter of
suggested remedies for the kind of no-fault fraud that was freely
perpetrated in the late nineties: reinstating Glass-Steagall, for
example, or imposing more realistic fines on the guilty parties, or
prodding the regulatory agencies, like the Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission, that have been asleep at the wheel in the wildly
business-friendly climate of the last decade.
But it's going to be an uphill battle. After the mega-criminality of
Enron et al. and the fecklessness of the regulatory agencies that
Prins outlines in her meticulously researched book, two commissioners
of the Securities and Exchange Commission recently came down against
some of the relatively benign fines that the SEC has imposed,
primarily because of their chilling effect on shareholders and
potential investors. According to Commissioner Cindy Glassman, "When
the boards and management are agreeing to these penalties, they're
agreeing to pay with other people's money."
Thanks for thinking of us, commissioner.
Stanley Morgan works on Wall Street.
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